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| − | [[File:Screenshot-laboriacuboniks.net 2017-04-18 20-43-24.png|thumbnail|right]]
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| − | == <small>'''Texto'''</small> ==
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| − | Xenofeminism:
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| − | A Politics for Alienation
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| − | Laboria Cuboniks
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| − | ZERO
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| − | 0x00 Ours is a world in vertigo. It is a world that swarms with technological
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| − | mediation, interlacing our daily lives with abstraction, virtuality, and complexity.
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| − | XF constructs a feminism adapted to these realities: a feminism of
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| − | unprecedented cunning, scale, and vision; a future in which the realization
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| − | of gender justice and feminist emancipation contribute to a universalist
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| − | politics assembled from the needs of every human, cutting across race,
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| − | ability, economic standing, and geographical position. No more futureless
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| − | repetition on the treadmill of capital, no more submission to the drudgery
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| − | of labour, productive and reproductive alike, no more reification of the given
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| − | masked as critique. Our future requires depetrification. XF is not a bid for
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| − | revolution, but a wager on the long game of history, demanding imagination,
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| − | dexterity and persistence.
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| − |
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| − | 0x01 XF seizes alienation as an impetus to generate new worlds. We are all alienated
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| − | – but have we ever been otherwise? It is through, and not despite,
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| − | our alienated condition that we can free ourselves from the muck of immediacy.
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| − | Freedom is not a given—and it’s certainly not given by anything
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| − | ‘natural’. The construction of freedom involves not less but more alienation;
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| − | alienation is the labour of freedom’s construction. Nothing should be accepted
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| − | as fixed, permanent, or ‘given’—neither material conditions nor social
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| − | forms. XF mutates, navigates and probes every horizon. Anyone who’s
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| − | been deemed ‘unnatural’ in the face of reigning biological norms, anyone
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| − | who’s experienced injustices wrought in the name of natural order, will realize
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| − | that the glorification of ‘nature’ has nothing to offer us—the queer and
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| − | trans among us, the differently-abled, as well as those who have suffered
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| − | discrimination due to pregnancy or duties connected to child-rearing. XF is
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| − | vehemently anti-naturalist. Essentialist naturalism reeks of theology—the
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| − | sooner it is exorcised, the better.
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| − |
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| − | 0x02 Why is there so little explicit, organized effort to repurpose technologies for
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| − | progressive gender political ends? XF seeks to strategically deploy existing
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| − | technologies to re-engineer the world. Serious risks are built into these
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| − | tools; they are prone to imbalance, abuse, and exploitation of the weak.
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| − | Rather than pretending to risk nothing, XF advocates the necessary assembly
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| − | of techno-political interfaces responsive to these risks. Technology
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| − | isn’t inherently progressive. Its uses are fused with culture in a positive
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| − | feedback loop that makes linear sequencing, prediction, and absolute caution
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| − | impossible. Technoscientific innovation must be linked to a collective
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| − | theoretical and political thinking in which women, queers, and the gender
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| − | non-conforming play an unparalleled role.
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| − |
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| − | 0x03 The real emancipatory potential of technology remains unrealized. Fed by
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| − | the market, its rapid growth is offset by bloat, and elegant innovation is
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| − | surrendered to the buyer, whose stagnant world it decorates. Beyond the
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| − | noisy clutter of commodified cruft, the ultimate task lies in engineering
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| − | technologies to combat unequal access to reproductive and pharmacological
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| − | tools, environmental cataclysm, economic instability, as well as dangerous
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| − | forms of unpaid/underpaid labour. Gender inequality still characterizes
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| − | the fields in which our technologies are conceived, built, and legislated for,
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| − | while female workers in electronics (to name just one industry) perform
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| − | some of the worst paid, monotonous and debilitating labour. Such injustice
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| − | demands structural, machinic and ideological correction.
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| − |
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| − | 0x04 Xenofeminism is a rationalism. To claim that reason or rationality is ‘by
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| − | nature’ a patriarchal enterprise is to concede defeat. It is true that the
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| − | canonical ‘history of thought’ is dominated by men, and it is male hands
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| − | we see throttling existing institutions of science and technology. But this is
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| − | precisely why feminism must be a rationalism—because of this miserable
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| − | imbalance, and not despite it. There is no ‘feminine’ rationality, nor is there
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| − | a ‘masculine’ one. Science is not an expression but a suspension of gender.
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| − | If today it is dominated by masculine egos, then it is at odds with itself—
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| − | and this contradiction can be leveraged. Reason, like information, wants to
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| − | be free, and patriarchy cannot give it freedom. Rationalism must itself be
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| − | a feminism. XF marks the point where these claims intersect in a two-way
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| − | dependency. It names reason as an engine of feminist emancipation, and
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| − | declares the right of everyone to speak as no one in particular.
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| − |
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| − | INTERRUPT
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| − |
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| − | 0x05 The excess of modesty in feminist agendas of recent decades is not
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| − | proportionate to the monstrous complexity of our reality, a reality crosshatched
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| − | with fibre-optic cables, radio and microwaves, oil and gas pipelines,
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| − | aerial and shipping routes, and the unrelenting, simultaneous execution
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| − | of millions of communication protocols with every passing millisecond.
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| − | Systematic thinking and structural analysis have largely fallen by the
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| − | wayside in favour of admirable, but insufficient struggles, bound to fixed
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| − | localities and fragmented insurrections. Whilst capitalism is understood
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| − | as a complex and ever-expanding totality, many would-be emancipatory
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| − | anti-capitalist projects remain profoundly fearful of transitioning to the
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| − | universal, resisting big-picture speculative politics by condemning them as
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| − | necessarily oppressive vectors. Such a false guarantee treats universals as
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| − | absolute, generating a debilitating disjuncture between the thing we seek
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| − | to depose and the strategies we advance to depose it.
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| − |
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| − | 0x06 Global complexity opens us to urgent cognitive and ethical demands. These
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| − | are Promethean responsibilities that cannot pass unaddressed. Much of
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| − | twenty-first century feminism—from the remnants of postmodern identity
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| − | politics to large swathes of contemporary ecofeminism—struggles to
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| − | adequately address these challenges in a manner capable of producing
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| − | substantial and enduring change. Xenofeminism endeavours to face up
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| − | to these obligations as collective agents capable of transitioning between
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| − | multiple levels of political, material and conceptual organization.
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| − |
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| − | 0x07 We are adamantly synthetic, unsatisfied by analysis alone. XF urges constructive
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| − | oscillation between description and prescription to mobilize the
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| − | recursive potential of contemporary technologies upon gender, sexuality
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| − | and disparities of power. Given that there are a range of gendered challenges
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| − | specifically relating to life in a digital age—from sexual harassment
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| − | via social media, to doxxing, privacy, and the protection of online images—
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| − | the situation requires a feminism at ease with computation. Today, it
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| − | is imperative that we develop an ideological infrastructure that both supports
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| − | and facilitates feminist interventions within connective, networked
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| − | elements of the contemporary world. Xenofeminism is about more than
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| − | digital self-defence and freedom from patriarchal networks. We want to
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| − | cultivate the exercise of positive freedom—freedom-to rather than simply
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| − | freedom-from—and urge feminists to equip themselves with the skills to
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| − | redeploy existing technologies and invent novel cognitive and material tools
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| − | in the service of common ends.
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| − | 0x08 The radical opportunities afforded by developing (and alienating) forms
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| − | of technological mediation should no longer be put to use in the exclusive
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| − | interests of capital, which, by design, only benefits the few. There
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| − | are incessantly proliferating tools to be annexed, and although no one can
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| − | claim their comprehensive accessibility, digital tools have never been more
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| − | widely available or more sensitive to appropriation than they are today.
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| − | This is not an elision of the fact that a large amount of the world’s poor is
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| − | adversely affected by the expanding technological industry (from factory
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| − | workers labouring under abominable conditions to the Ghanaian villages
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| − | that have become a repository for the e-waste of the global powers) but
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| − | an explicit acknowledgement of these conditions as a target for elimination.
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| − | Just as the invention of the stock market was also the invention of
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| − | the crash, Xenofeminism knows that technological innovation must equally
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| − | anticipate its systemic condition responsively.
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| − |
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| − | TRAP
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| − |
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| − | 0X09 XF rejects illusion and melancholy as political inhibitors. Illusion, as the blind
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| − | presumption that the weak can prevail over the strong with no strategic
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| − | coordination, leads to unfulfilled promises and unmarshalled drives. This is
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| − | a politics that, in wanting so much, ends up building so little. Without the
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| − | labour of large-scale, collective social organisation, declaring one’s desire
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| − | for global change is nothing more than wishful thinking. On the other hand,
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| − | melancholy—so endemic to the left—teaches us that emancipation is an
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| − | extinct species to be wept over and that blips of negation are the best we
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| − | can hope for. At its worst, such an attitude generates nothing but political
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| − | lassitude, and at its best, installs an atmosphere of pervasive despair which
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| − | too often degenerates into factionalism and petty moralizing. The malady
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| − | of melancholia only compounds political inertia, and—under the guise of
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| − | being realistic—relinquishes all hope of calibrating the world otherwise. It
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| − | is against such maladies that XF innoculates.
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| − |
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| − | 0x0A We take politics that exclusively valorize the local in the guise of subverting
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| − | currents of global abstraction, to be insufficient. To secede from or disavow
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| − | capitalist machinery will not make it disappear. Likewise, suggestions
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| − | to pull the lever on the emergency brake of embedded velocities, the call
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| − | to slow down and scale back, is a possibility available only to the few—a
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| − | violent particularity of exclusivity—ultimately entailing catastrophe for the
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| − | many. Refusing to think beyond the microcommunity, to foster connections
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| − | between fractured insurgencies, to consider how emancipatory tactics can
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| − | be scaled up for universal implementation, is to remain satisfied with temporary
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| − | and defensive gestures. XF is an affirmative creature on the offensive,
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| − | fiercely insisting on the possibility of large-scale social change for all of
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| − | our alien kin.
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| − |
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| − | 0X0B A sense of the world’s volatility and artificiality seems to have faded from
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| − | contemporary queer and feminist politics, in favour of a plural but static
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| − | constellation of gender identities, in whose bleak light equations of the
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| − | good and the natural are stubbornly restored. While having (perhaps)
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| − | admirably expanded thresholds of ‘tolerance’, too often we are told to seek
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| − | solace in unfreedom, staking claims on being ‘born’ this way, as if offering
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| − | an excuse with nature’s blessing. All the while, the heteronormative centre
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| − | chugs on. XF challenges this centrifugal referent, knowing full well that sex
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| − | and gender are exemplary of the fulcrum between norm and fact, between
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| − | freedom and compulsion. To tilt the fulcrum in the direction of nature is a
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| − | defensive concession at best, and a retreat from what makes trans and
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| − | queer politics more than just a lobby: that it is an arduous assertion of
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| − | freedom against an order that seemed immutable. Like every myth of the
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| − | given, a stable foundation is fabulated for a real world of chaos, violence,
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| − | and doubt. The ‘given’ is sequestered into the private realm as a certainty,
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| − | whilst retreating on fronts of public consequences. When the possibility of
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| − | transition became real and known, the tomb under Nature’s shrine cracked,
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| − | and new histories—bristling with futures—escaped the old order of ‘sex’.
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| − | The disciplinary grid of gender is in no small part an attempt to mend that
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| − | shattered foundation, and tame the lives that escaped it. The time has now
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| − | come to tear down this shrine entirely, and not bow down before it in a
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| − | piteous apology for what little autonomy has been won.
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| − |
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| − | 0X0C If ‘cyberspace’ once offered the promise of escaping the strictures of
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| − | essentialist identity categories, the climate of contemporary social media
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| − | has swung forcefully in the other direction, and has become a theatre
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| − | where these prostrations to identity are performed. With these curatorial
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| − | practices come puritanical rituals of moral maintenance, and these stages
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| − | are too often overrun with the disavowed pleasures of accusation, shaming,
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| − | and denunciation. Valuable platforms for connection, organization, and
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| − | skill-sharing become clogged with obstacles to productive debate positioned
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| − | as if they are debate. These puritanical politics of shame—which fetishize
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| − | oppression as if it were a blessing, and cloud the waters in moralistic
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| − | frenzies—leave us cold. We want neither clean hands nor beautiful souls,
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| − | neither virtue nor terror. We want superior forms of corruption.
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| − |
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| − | 0X0D What this shows is that the task of engineering platforms for social
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| − | emancipation and organization cannot ignore the cultural and semiotic
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| − | mutations these platforms afford. What requires reengineering are the
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| − | memetic parasites arousing and coordinating behaviours in ways occluded
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| − | by their hosts’ self-image; failing this, memes like ‘anonymity’, ‘ethics’,
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| − | ‘social justice’ and ‘privilege-checking’ host social dynamisms at odds with
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| − | the often-commendable intentions with which they’re taken up. The task
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| − | of collective self-mastery requires a hyperstitional manipulation of desire’s
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| − | puppet-strings, and deployment of semiotic operators over a terrain of
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| − | highly networked cultural systems. The will will always be corrupted by the
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| − | memes in which it traffics, but nothing prevents us from instrumentalizing
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| − | this fact, and calibrating it in view of the ends it desires.
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| − |
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| − | PARITY
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| − |
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| − | 0X0E Xenofeminism is gender-abolitionist. ‘Gender abolitionism’ is not code for
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| − | the eradication of what are currently considered ‘gendered’ traits from the
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| − | human population. Under patriarchy, such a project could only spell disaster—
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| − | the notion of what is ‘gendered’ sticks disproportionately to the feminine.
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| − | But even if this balance were redressed, we have no interest in seeing
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| − | the sexuate diversity of the world reduced. Let a hundred sexes bloom!
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| − | ‘Gender abolitionism’ is shorthand for the ambition to construct a society
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| − | where traits currently assembled under the rubric of gender, no longer
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| − | furnish a grid for the asymmetric operation of power. ‘Race abolitionism’
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| − | expands into a similar formula—that the struggle must continue until currently
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| − | racialized characteristics are no more a basis of discrimination than
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| − | than the color of one’s eyes. Ultimately, every emancipatory abolitionism
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| − | must incline towards the horizon of class abolitionism, since it is in capitalism
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| − | where we encounter oppression in its transparent, denaturalized form:
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| − | you’re not exploited or oppressed because you are a wage labourer or poor;
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| − | you are a labourer or poor because you are exploited.
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| − |
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| − | 0X0F Xenofeminism understands that the viability of emancipatory abolitionist
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| − | projects—the abolition of class, gender, and race—hinges on a profound
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| − | reworking of the universal. The universal must be grasped as generic,
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| − | which is to say, intersectional. Intersectionality is not the morcellation of
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| − | collectives into a static fuzz of cross-referenced identities, but a political
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| − | orientation that slices through every particular, refusing the crass pigeonholing
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| − | of bodies. This is not a universal that can be imposed from above,
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| − | but built from the bottom up – or, better, laterally, opening new lines of
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| − | transit across an uneven landscape. This non-absolute, generic universality
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| − | must guard against the facile tendency of conflation with bloated, unmarked
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| − | particulars—namely Eurocentric universalism—whereby the male
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| − | is mistaken for the sexless, the white for raceless, the cis for the real, and
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| − | so on. Absent such a universal, the abolition of class will remain a bourgeois
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| − | fantasy, the abolition of race will remain a tacit white-supremacism, and the
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| − | abolition of gender will remain a thinly veiled misogyny, even—especially—
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| − | when prosecuted by avowed feminists themselves. (The absurd and reckless
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| − | spectacle of so many self-proclaimed ‘gender abolitionists’’ campaign
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| − | against trans women is proof enough of this).
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| − |
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| − | 0X10 From the postmoderns, we have learnt to burn the facades of the false
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| − | universal and dispel such confusions; from the moderns, we have learnt
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| − | to sift new universals from the ashes of the false. Xenofeminism seeks
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| − | to construct a coalitional politics, a politics without the infection of purity.
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| − | Wielding the universal requires thoughtful qualification and precise selfreflection
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| − | so as to become a ready-to-hand tool for multiple political bodies
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| − | and something that can be appropriated against the numerous oppressions
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| − | that transect with gender and sexuality. The universal is no blueprint, and
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| − | rather than dictate its uses in advance, we propose XF as a platform. The
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| − | very process of construction is therefore understood to be a negentropic,
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| − | iterative, and continual refashioning. Xenofeminism seeks to be a mutable
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| − | architecture that, like open source software, remains available for perpetual
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| − | modification and enhancement following the navigational impulse of
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| − | militant ethical reasoning. Open, however, does not mean undirected. The
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| − | most durable systems in the world owe their stability to the way they train
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| − | order to emerge as an ‘invisible hand’ from apparent spontaneity; or exploit
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| − | the inertia of investment and sedimentation. We should not hesitate
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| − | to learn from our adversaries or the successes and failures of history. With
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| − | this in mind, XF seeks ways to seed an order that is equitable and just,
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| − | injecting it into the geometry of freedoms these platforms afford.
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| − |
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| − | ADJUST
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| − |
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| − | 0X11 Our lot is cast with technoscience, where nothing is so sacred that it
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| − | cannot be reengineered and transformed so as to widen our aperture of
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| − | freedom, extending to gender and the human. To say that nothing is sacred,
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| − | that nothing is transcendent or protected from the will to know,
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| − | to tinker and to hack, is to say that nothing is supernatural. ‘Nature’—
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| − | understood here, as the unbounded arena of science—is all there is.
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| − | And so, in tearing down melancholy and illusion; the unambitious and the
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| − | non-scaleable; the libidinized puritanism of certain online cultures, and
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| − | Nature as an un-remakeable given, we find that our normative anti-naturalism
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| − | has pushed us towards an unflinching ontological naturalism. There
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| − | is nothing, we claim, that cannot be studied scientifically and manipulated
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| − | technologically.
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| − |
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| − | 0X12 This does not mean that the distinction between the ontological and the
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| − | normative, between fact and value, is simply cut and dried. The vectors of
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| − | normative anti-naturalism and ontological naturalism span many ambivalent
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| − | battlefields. The project of untangling what ought to be from what is, of
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| − | dissociating freedom from fact, will from knowledge, is, indeed, an infinite
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| − | task. There are many lacunae where desire confronts us with the brutality
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| − | of fact, where beauty is indissociable from truth. Poetry, sex, technology
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| − | and pain are incandescent with this tension we have traced. But give up on
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| − | the task of revision, release the reins and slacken that tension, and these
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| − | filaments instantly dim.
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| − |
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| − | CARRY
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| − |
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| − | 0X13 The potential of early, text-based internet culture for countering repressive
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| − | gender regimes, generating solidarity among marginalised groups, and
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| − | creating new spaces for experimentation that ignited cyberfeminism in
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| − | the nineties has clearly waned in the twenty-first century. The dominance
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| − | of the visual in today’s online interfaces has reinstated familiar modes of
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| − | identity policing, power relations and gender norms in self-representation.
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| − | But this does not mean that cyberfeminist sensibilities belong to the past.
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| − | Sorting the subversive possibilities from the oppressive ones latent in today’s
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| − | web requires a feminism sensitive to the insidious return of old power
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| − | structures, yet savvy enough to know how to exploit the potential. Digital
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| − | technologies are not separable from the material realities that underwrite
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| − | them; they are connected so that each can be used to alter the other
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| − | towards different ends. Rather than arguing for the primacy of the virtual
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| − | over the material, or the material over the virtual, xenofeminism grasps
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| − | points of power and powerlessness in both, to unfold this knowledge as
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| − | effective interventions in our jointly composed reality.
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| − |
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| − | 0X14 Intervention in more obviously material hegemonies is just as crucial as
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| − | intervention in digital and cultural ones. Changes to the built environment
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| − | harbour some of the most significant possibilities in the reconfiguration
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| − | of the horizons of women and queers. As the embodiment of ideological
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| − | constellations, the production of space and the decisions we make for its
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| − | organization are ultimately articulations about ‘us’ and reciprocally, how a
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| − | ‘we’ can be articulated. With the potential to foreclose, restrict, or open up
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| − | future social conditions, xenofeminists must become attuned to the language
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| − | of architecture as a vocabulary for collective choreo-graphy—the
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| − | coordinated writing of space.
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| − |
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| − | 0X15 From the street to the home, domestic space too must not escape our
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| − | tentacles. So profoundly ingrained, domestic space has been deemed
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| − | impossible to disembed, where the home as norm has been conflated with
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| − | home as fact, as an un-remakeable given. Stultifying ‘domestic realism’ has
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| − | no home on our horizon. Let us set sights on augmented homes of shared
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| − | laboratories, of communal media and technical facilities. The home is ripe
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| − | for spatial transformation as an integral component in any process of feminist
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| − | futurity. But this cannot stop at the garden gates. We see too well that
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| − | reinventions of family structure and domestic life are currently only possible
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| − | at the cost of either withdrawing from the economic sphere—the way of
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| − | the commune—or bearing its burdens manyfold—the way of the single
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| − | parent. If we want to break the inertia that has kept the moribund figure
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| − | of the nuclear family unit in place, which has stubbornly worked to isolate
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| − | women from the public sphere, and men from the lives of their children,
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| − | while penalizing those who stray from it, we must overhaul the material
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| − | infrastructure and break the economic cycles that lock it in place. The task
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| − | before us is twofold, and our vision necessarily stereoscopic: we must engineer
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| − | an economy that liberates reproductive labour and family life, while
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| − | building models of familiality free from the deadening grind of wage labour.
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| − |
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| − | 0X16 From the home to the body, the articulation of a proactive politics for
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| − | biotechnical intervention and hormones presses. Hormones hack into
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| − | gender systems possessing political scope extending beyond the aesthetic
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| − | calibration of individual bodies. Thought structurally, the distribution of
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| − | hormones—who or what this distribution prioritizes or pathologizes—is
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| − | of paramount import. The rise of the internet and the hydra of black market
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| − | pharmacies it let loose—together with a publicly accessible archive of
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| − | endocrinological knowhow—was instrumental in wresting control of the
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| − | hormonal economy away from ‘gatekeeping’ institutions seeking to mitigate
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| − | threats to established distributions of the sexual. To trade in the rule of
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| − | bureaucrats for the market is, however, not a victory in itself. These tides
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| − | need to rise higher. We ask whether the idiom of ‘gender hacking’ is extensible
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| − | into a long-range strategy, a strategy for wetware akin to what hacker
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| − | culture has already done for software—constructing an entire universe of
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| − | free and open source platforms that is the closest thing to a practicable
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| − | communism many of us have ever seen. Without the foolhardy endangerment
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| − | of lives, can we stitch together the embryonic promises held before
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| − | us by pharmaceutical 3D printing (‘Reactionware’), grassroots telemedical
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| − | abortion clinics, gender hacktivist and DIY-HRT forums, and so on, to assemble
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| − | a platform for free and open source medicine?
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| − |
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| − | 0X17 From the global to the local, from the cloud to our bodies, xenofeminism
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| − | avows the responsibility in constructing new institutions of technomaterialist
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| − | hegemonic proportions. Like engineers who must conceive of a total
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| − | structure as well as the molecular parts from which it is constructed, XF
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| − | emphasises the importance of the mesopolitical sphere against the limited
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| − | effectiveness of local gestures, creation of autonomous zones, and sheer
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| − | horizontalism, just as it stands against transcendent, or top-down impositions
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| − | of values and norms. The mesopolitical arena of xenofeminism’s universalist
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| − | ambitions comprehends itself as a mobile and intricate network of
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| − | transits between these polarities. As pragmatists, we invite contamination
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| − | as a mutational driver between such frontiers.
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| − |
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| − | OVERFLOW
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| − |
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| − | 0X18 XF asserts that adapting our behaviour for an era of Promethean complexity
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| − | is a labour requiring patience, but a ferocious patience at odds
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| − | with ‘waiting’. Calibrating a political hegemony or insurgent memeplex not
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| − | only implies the creation of material infra-structures to make the values it
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| − | articulates explicit, but places demands on us as subjects. How are we to
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| − | become hosts of this new world? How do we build a better semiotic parasite—
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| − | one that arouses the desires we want to desire, that orchestrates not
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| − | an autophagic orgy of indignity or rage, but an emancipatory and egalitarian
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| − | community buttressed by new forms of unselfish solidarity and collective
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| − | self-mastery?
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| − |
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| − | 0X19 Is xenofeminism a programme? Not if this means anything so crude as a
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| − | recipe, or a single-purpose tool by which a determinate problem is solved.
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| − | We prefer to think like the schemer or lisper, who seeks to construct a
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| − | new language in which the problem at hand is immersed, so that solutions
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| − | for it, and for any number of related problems, might unfurl with
| |
| − | ease. Xenofeminism is a platform, an incipient ambition to construct a new
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| − | language for sexual politics—a language that seizes its own methods as
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| − | materials to be reworked, and incrementally bootstraps itself into existence.
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| − | We understand that the problems we face are systemic and interlocking,
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| − | and that any chance of global success depends on infecting myriad skills
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| − | and contexts with the logic of XF. Ours is a transformation of seeping,
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| − | directed subsumption rather than rapid overthrow; it is a transformation of
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| − | deliberate construction, seeking to submerge the white-supremacist capitalist
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| − | patriarchy in a sea of procedures that soften its shell and dismantle its
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| − | defenses, so as to build a new world from the scraps.
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| − |
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| − | 0X1A Xenofeminism indexes the desire to construct an alien future with a triumphant
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| − | X on a mobile map. This X does not mark a destination. It is the
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| − | insertion of a topological-keyframe for the formation of a new logic. In
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| − | affirming a future untethered to the repetition of the present, we militate
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| − | for ampliative capacities, for spaces of freedom with a richer geometry
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| − | than the aisle, the assembly line, and the feed. We need new affordances
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| − | of perception and action unblinkered by naturalised identities. In the name
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| − | of feminism, ‘Nature’ shall no longer be a refuge of injustice, or a basis for
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| − | any political justification whatsoever!
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| − |
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| − | If nature is unjust, change nature!
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| − |
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| − | == <small>'''Archivo'''</small> ==
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| − |
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| − | [[Archivo:Xf layout web.pdf|miniaturadeimagen]]
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| − |
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| − | == <small>'''Enlaces'''</small> ==
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| − |
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| − | '''URL:''' http://laboriacuboniks.net/index.html
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| − |
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| − | '''Wayback Machine:''' http://web.archive.org/web/20170419025746/http://laboriacuboniks.net/index.html
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| − |
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| − | [[Category:Manifestos]]
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| − | [[Category:Laboria Cuboniks]]
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| − | [[Category:Spanish]]
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| − | [[Category:English]]
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| − | [[Category:German]]
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| − | [[Category:Italian]]
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| − | [[Category:Romanian]]
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| − | [[Category:French]]
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| − | [[Category:Portuguese]]
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| − | [[Category:Polish]]
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| − | [[Category:Russian]]
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| − | [[Category:2015]]
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